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AMERICAN SLAVERY, 

AND THE 



^EANS OF ITS ABOLITION 



BY REV. JONATHAN WARD. 



PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 



BOSTON: 

PRINTED BY PERKINS & MARVIN 

1840. 



£¥^ 




The substance of the following Essay was delivered, in the form 
of an Address, at Plymouth, N. H., May 5th, 1840; and is now 
published by the particular request of those who heard it. 






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^-;- 



AMERICAN SLAVERY, &c 



INTRODUCTION. 

More than forty years ago the writer of the following 
pages read Wilberforce's publications on the slave trade, 
in which were described the various methods of procuring 
the slaves in Africa, the horrors of the " middle passage," 
and their cruel treatment in the West Indies. In perusing 
these statements of that great philanthropist and friend of 
the injured African race, his feelings became, in some 
measure, enlisted in favor of the colored people of our 
land, and in opposition to the slavery upheld by our 
nation. 

He was never sensible of feeling the prejudice against 
color, so often manifested ; but, in his intercourse with 
colored persons, treated them, as he would others. And 
having them for many years as neighbors, and, not un- 
frequently, as hired help, they were admitted to eat with 
the family at the same table. 

In 1824 he was invited to attend a political celebration 
on the 4th of July. In declining the invitation, he noticed 
the inconsistency of our conduct in celebrating our liberty, 
founded upon the principle that all men are created free 
and equal, and proclaiming this "self-evident truth," and 
yet holding hundreds of thousands of our fellow men in 
degrading bondage. 

The next year, he was requested to preach on the 4th 
of July. The sermon was, by request, printed. The 
following extract will show the writer's views respecting 
American slavery. " Our conduct in relation to the 
Africans has been most inconsistent, absurd, and criminal. 
While earnestly contending for the principle, that all men 
ought to be free and equal, and risking every thing in 



opposing the claims of Great Britain to tax us, we Avere, 
at the same time, holding in abject slavery hundreds of 
thousands of our fellow beings, who, upon our own prin- 
ciples, had an equal right with ourselves to enjoy the 
sweets of liberty. How great guilt then has been con- 
tracted by enslaving, and holding in bondage, and mal- 
treating the poor negroes. And what efforts ought to be 
made for their intellectual, moral and religious improve- 
ment, and their emancipation, and their enjoyment of the 
rights of freemen." 

Such being the feelings of the writer, he rejoiced to 
see attention turned to the subject of slavery, and com- 
bined efforts making for its removal. And, though he 
deeply regretted the harshness and severity with which 
opposers of abolition movements, and even those who did 
not engage in them, were treated, yet he was willing to 
countenance the cause of abolition, hoping that this, in 
his view, very exceptionable manner, would be gradually 
corrected. But, as it respects many of the Abolitionists, 
he is sorry to say, his hopes have been disappointed. 
. Being, therefore, fully persuaded that the course alluded 
to is injuring the cause both of religion and abolition, he 
ventures to point out what he believes the word of God 
teaches to be " a more excellent way." And he will 
endeavor to do it kindly, and not needlessly to wound 
the feelings of any, hoping to be guided by that wisdom 
M'hich is from above, and " is profitable to direct," and 
which " is pure, and peaceable, and gentle, and is without 
partiality, and without hypocrisy," and to present the 
subject as it will appear in the light of the great day. 
And he requests the reader impartially to weigh what is 
offered in " the balances of the sanctuary," and to regard 
it so far only as it corresponds with the teachings of the 
divine oracles. 



THE CHARACTER OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 

The subject of American slavery, if rightly considered, 
must be to every Christian, and every true patriot, a 
deeply interesting and painful subject. That our country — 
which solemnly declared before God and the world, that 



it is ''self-evident" that "all men are created equal, and 
are endowed with certain inalienable rights, as life, liberty 
and the pursuit of happiness," and whicii claims to be the 
freest on earth, and the asylum of the oppressed — should, 
nevertheless, hold in abject bondage millions of its own 
people, is a deep stain on our national character. The 
holding of these unoffending fellow beings under the rod 
of oppression is a great political and moral evil. It is a 
flagrant violation of our professed principles of equal 
rights, and manifestly inconsistent with the principles of 
our holy religion. No one would be willing to be a slave 
himself, and, therefore, if he loved others as himself, or 
was willing to do to others as he would have others do to 
him, he could not hold others in involuntary slavery. 

Slaves are held as property, at the disposal of their 
master, and possess, strictly speaking, no legal rights, 
civil or religious, and, if ever so much abused, can seek 
no redress in any court of justice. They are in a great 
measure kept without the means of intellectual, moral 
and spiritual improvement. And by sale and the removal 
of the purchased slaves to a distant part of the country, 
the most endearing ties are liable continually to be severed, 
and the nearest relatives, husbands and wives, parents and 
children, and brothers and sisters, to be torn from each 
other, and for ever separated. 

But the greatest of the evils of American slavery is the 
depriving of its victims of the Bible and of the means of 
religion. Some slaves do indeed attend public worship, 
and receive oral instruction. Some masters also impart 
to their slaves religious instruction. And a few are able 
to read. But, if I am rightly informed, teaching them to 
read is penal in all the slave States, except Kentucky, 
and those who do it are liable to punishment by fine or 
imprisonment, or both. Consequently, they are effectually 
prevented from reading " the Holy Scriptures, which are 
able to make them wise unto salvation through faith 
which is in Christ Jesus." And many, according to the 
testimony of the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, 
<' are in the condition of heathen." 

And though not much, comparatively, seems to be now 
paid on this subject by many advocates for emancipation, 
yet, what is the political bondage, and all the other evila 
1* 



of slavery, compared with this ? What is all the temporal 
happiness, which can be enjoyed, compared with the 
salvation of the soul, or eternal blessedness? And are 
all the deprivations and misery, which can be endured in 
this short life, comparable witli eternal misery ? " The 
sufferings of this present time," however great, " are not 
worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be 
revealed" in saints, or with that "everlasting punishment" 
which will be the portion of those who are "lost." 

Those means, therefore, which are necessary to secure 
the salvation of the soul, ought to be esteemed more 
highly, and sought with far more earnestness for ourselves 
and others, than any mere temporal privileges, advantages 
and blessings ; and to deprive the slaves of these means 
of salvation is the worst feature in the slave system, and 
incurs the deepest guilt. And when such is the system, 
it requires no arguments to prove, that it ought to be 
immediately abolished. 

Indeed many at the South have most explicitly con- 
demned slavery, and urged the necessity of its abolition. 
Mr. Jefferson, speaking of slavery, said, " It destroys the 
morals of one part of the nation, and the amor patria 
(love of country) of the other. With the morals of the 
people, their industry is also destroyed. And can the 
liberties of a nation be secure, when we have removed 
their only basis — a conviction in the minds of the people, 
that these liberties are the gift of God ? that they are not 
to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for 
my country, when I reflect that God is just ; that his 
justice cannot sleep for ever. The Almighty has no 
attribute which can take sides with us in such a contest ; " 
i. e. with the slaves. Patrick Henry said, " It is as 
repugnant to humanity, as it is inconsistent with the 
Bible, and destructive to liberty." William Pinckney of 
Maryland said, " Its continuance is as shameful as its 
origin." 

In 1818, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian 
Church unanimously adopted a report on slavery, in which 
they say, " We consider the voluntary enslaving of one 
part of the human race by another, as a gross violation 
of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature; 
as utterly inconsistent with the law of God, which requires 



us to love our neighbor as ourselves ; and as totally 
irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel, 
which enjoins, that all things whatsoever we would that 
men should do to us, we should do even so to them. 
Slavery creates a paradox in the moral system ; it exhibits 
rational, accountable and immortal beings in such circum- 
stances, as scarcely to leave them the power of moral 
action. It exhibits them as dependent on the will of 
others, whether they shall receive religious instruction ; 
whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel ; 
whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the 
endearments of husbands and wives, parents and children, 
neighbors and friends ; whether they shall preserve their 
chastity and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and 
humanity. 

" Such are some of the consequences of slavery — 
consequences not imaginary, but which connect themselves 
with its very existence." 

And they say further, " It is manifestly the duty of all 
Christians, who enjoy the light of the present day — when 
the inconsistency of slavery, both with the dictates of 
humanity and religion, has been demonstrated, and is 
generally seen and acknowledged — to use their honest, 
earnest and unwearied endeavors, as speedily as possible, 
to efface this blot on our holy religion, and to obtain the 
complete abolition of slavery throughout Christendom, and, 
if possible, throughout the world," 

Freedom is the right of the slave. And it is the duty 
of the master to grant it, and to grant it immediately. 

And, that emancipation is safe, and would be for the 
interest of slaveholders, might be easily shown, and is 
clearly proved by the result of the experiment in the 
West Indies. Free labor is manifestly more profitable 
than slave labor. The African race possess kind, and 
generous and grateful feelings ; and if treated with 
humanity and kindness, would labor much more faithfully 
as freemen for wages, than as slaves under the cruel 
stimulus of the whip. And if emancipated, there would 
be no fear of insurrection, or of the slaughter of the 
whites. And the States, now feeling the withering in- 
fluence of slavery, would be much better cultivated and 
far more prosperous. 



8 

Though the result of the emancipation in the British 
West India Islands has been, by some writers and papers, 
represented as unfavorable, yet, according to the most 
authentic accounts, it has been successful. And when 
difficulties have occurred, as has sometimes been the case, 
they have been owing to the stupidity, or ill conduct of 
the planters. 

The Rev. John Scoble of London — who had spent 
the greater part of the last three years in the British 
West Indies, as an agent of the British Anti-Slavery 
Society — at a meeting held in Boston, August 22, 1839, 
gave a most interesting exposition of the results of the 
emancipation of the slaves in these colonies, in answer 
to questions proposed to him. A few extracts from his 
statements will be given, taken from the Essex Register. 

*' From all which he had heard and seen, he was 
satisfied the experiment of complete emancipation had 
worked well for the owners of the estates ; and the 
prosperity of the colonies would be greatly increased by 
it. Landed property, he said, had increased in value 
in Barbadoes from 25 to 40 per cent, in some districts — 
and generally in the colonies, from 5 to 25 per cent." 

*' There had," he said, " been a great improvement in 
the domestic condition of the laborers — they enjoyed more 
comforts — their huts, or rather hovels, which they formerly 
occupied, were giving place to more comfortable habita- 
tions — they were not willing to wear the poor and cheap 
clothes which their masters formerly furnished for them — 
many of the women, instead of toiling in the fields, were 
now devoted to household duties ; and many children, 
who formerly had been compelled to work in the fields, 
were now sent to school. 

"Enquiries were made of Mr. Scoble, as to the willing- 
ness of the blacks to labor for fair wages — as to the state 
of morals and religion among them — how the aged and 
infirm poor were supported among them, &c. ; to all 
which Mr. S. gave the most satisfactory answers. In 
regard to the ^VAio. o^ morals, he said, crime had decreased 
since the emancipation — and he stated many interesting 
facts in regard to the number of persons confined iu 
prisons in several colonies at his visits in 183G, compared 
with the number in 1838. 'i'he number is now only about 



half as large as in former years, and most of the offences 
of the negroes were misdemeanors, petty thefts," &c. 

Similar testimony is furnished in a letter, published in 
the New York Journal of Commerce, from Mr Gurney, 
an English Quaker gentleman, who has lately visited some 
of the Windward Islands, 

He says, '* Landed property has I'isen, and is still 
7'isiiig in value — being decidedly of greater value now 
than it was six years ago. In Antigua it seems to be a 
clear point, that the property without the slaves, is now 
of equal value with the property and the slaves, six years 
ago, or before emancipation. 

'* A similar remark applies with still greater force to 
St. Kitts. R. Claxton, the Solicitor General there, told 
me that he would not take =£'0,000 now for a property 
which cost him only .€'2,000 six years ago. Indeed, many 
planters spoke of what they receive in the shape of com- 
pensation, as quite a gratuity. 

" The unfavorable reports which have been spread of 
the working of freedom, have generally arisen from persons 
who are anxious to lay hold of landed property at a cheap 
rate. A clear proof that all is doing well, is unintentionally 
given by a gentleman in Antigua, who cries down the 
system, as having ruined the West Indies, while he strives 
to purchase all the landed property he can. 

" The comforts of the negroes are immensely increased. 
They are providing themselves with good food and clothing. 
The evidence of this fact is abundant in every island 
which we visited. No proof of it can be stronger than 
the almost doubling of the imports within the last two 
years. On the whole there cannot be the shadow of doubt 
that the substantial property of the colonies which we 
visited is on the increase." 



WEANS FOR ABOLISHING SLAVERY. 

I shall now inquire how slavery may be abolished in 
our land. This is the moht difficult part of the subject; 
and on which I imagine there is, in reality, a great 
diversity of opinion, even among abolitionists. 

There are three ways, and three only, in which it is 



-10 . 

contemplated that it can be removed ; by insurrection — 
the action of Congress — or the action of the slave States. 
Probably all would deprecate an attempt on the part of 
the slaves to obtain their liberty by insurrection. This, 
if ultimately successful, would be attended with much 
bloodshed and misery, and a vast loss of life, both of the 
colored people and of the whites. 

Some suppose, that Congress have power to abolish 
slavery in the slave States. They have undoubtedly 
power to abolish it in the District of Columbia, and 
in the Territories. And the constitution might be so 
amended as to give Congress power to abolish slavery 
within the States where it exists. But, as it now stands, 
it appears to me that it does not give Congress any such 
power. Whatever may be said, and though the con- 
stitution does not name slaves or slavery, it manifestly 
sanctions it. 

Among other provisions, that respecting representation 
in Congress is conclusive, where " thrcc-jifths of all other 
persons," besides citizens — who are to be reckoned in 
apportioning the number of representatives — can only 
mean slaves. And when the constitution went into 
Operation, while the framers were alive and among the 
leading politicians of the day, the representatives were 
chosen in this proportion in the slave States; and hare 
always continued to be thus chosen. 

And Congress were forbidden by the constitution to 
prohibit the foreign slave trade within twenty years. And 
when these twenty years were e.xpired, Congress im- 
mediately passed laws to put a stop to this trade. But, 
how absurd to suppose that the constitution forbid Con- 
gress to abolish the slave trade within twenty years, and 
yet, gave that body power to abolish slavery itself im- 
mediately ! 

But it is pleaded, that this power is given to Congress 
ill the fifth article of the amendments, where it is said, 
" No person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property 
without due process of law." And does this refer to 
slaves ? Manifestly not. Can persons be deprived of 
that which they do not possess ? 'Yo deprive a person 
of something, implies that he possessed it. And do 
slaves possess liberty, or properly? And can they be 



11 

deprived of property, when they have none ? And would 
an article have been adopted by Congress and the States, 
so manifestly contrary to other parts of the constitution ? 
But it is said, that the most liberal construction ought to 
be given to the clause in favor of liberty. True, when 
there can be any reasonable doubt as to the real meaning 
of a constitution or 1 iw. But where the meaning is 
plain, there is no room for construction. 

And when we have substantial and efficient weapons 
enough, it is not good policy to seize those which are 
feeble, and which may be wrested from us, and turned 
against us. 

But, if slavery must be abolished by the action of the 
slave States, then it is an important question — How can 
they be brought to put forth this action ? This they will 
not do till they are convinced that their duty, their 
interest, or their safety, or all these, demand the eman- 
cipation of their slaves. It is evident then, that nrgiiments 
must bring them to the adoption of this measure. These 
may be addressed to their reason, their conscience, their 
interest and their fears; and more especially, to the two 
former.* 

But by whom, and in what manner, must these argu- 
ments be addressed to them ? Are there those among 
themselves, who will do this work, and labor effectually 
to convince the people of the slaveholding States, that 
they ought immediately to " break every yoke ? " 

As there is so much in those States from self-interest, 
education, long cherished habits, and familiarity with 
slavery, to lessen the evil in the public estimation, and 
counteract the efforts and influence of those who might 
desire its abolition, an external force from the free States 
is necessary to bear upon this fearful evil. And that 
this force may be powerful and effectual, it must be 
combined and general. It must be a united testimony 
against slavery. 

* These were manifestly the views of those who formed the 
American Anti-Slavery Society in 1833 For in the second article 
of the constitution, they say of the Society, " It shall aim to 
ctmvince all our fellow citizens, by arguments addressed to their 
understandings and consciences, that slavery is a heinous sin in the 
sight of God," &c. 



12 

How then can this union in sentiment and action be 
secured ? Those who attempt to secure this object need 
to be *' wise as serpents, and harmless as doves." Meek- 
ness, prudence and decision are all highly necessary. 
The more difficult the object to be attained, the more 
needful are wisdom, prudence and firmness, A fiery 
zeal not tempered with meekness may do much injury, 
by irritating those whom we would wish to gain, and 
exciting in them prejudice, and thus repelling them 
instead of gaining them. And there is great danger 
of this. 

Abolitionists have dwelt so much upon the horrors of 
slavery, and seen the sufferings of the slaves, and the 
cruelties inflicted upon them so often depicted in lively 
colors, that their feelings have been deeply enlisted in 
behalf of these degraded and suffering fellow beings. And 
if others do not appear to feel for them as they do, they are 
in danger of indulging wrong feelings towards them, and 
condemning them with great severity. And when their 
sympathy is so strongly excited, they are liable to be 
swayed entirely by it, and not duly to regard the sober 
dictates of reason, or the precepts of the Bible. 

Some seem to be so absorbed in this subject, as to 
regard every other evil, and every other enterprise, of 
comparatively small concernment; and appear to feel, 
that, if this evil be removed from our land, the judgments 
of Heaven must be averted, and we shall enjoy prosperity; 
and that all ought, therefore, to be mainly concerned for the 
removal of this one great evil. Hence some of this class, 
who were professors of religion, appear to have lost, in a 
great measure, their interest in the cause of Christ. 
And I fear that many have, in this way, suffered in their 
religious feelings. 

Some have said, that abolitionism is Christianity, and 
that abolitionists are Christians. But this is setting up a 
standard of Christian character, manifestly not warranted 
by the holy Scriptures, and is crying peace to many, to 
whom God has said " there is no peace." Wicked men 
do not become good men by becoming abolilionists. And 
it must be dangerous to their immortal interests, and 
provoking to God, 'to flatter them that, because they are 
engaged in the abolition enterprise, they are Christians, 



13 

or are doing God an acceptable service, while they are 
in heart his enemies, and are in rebellion against him. 
And yet, some professing Christians appear to have a 
more cordial union with such, than with others who are 
not united with them in this enterprise, though engaged 
in other benevolent enterprises, and in the cause of Christ, 
and appear to be devoted Christians, But is this right? 
And will it meet the approbation of the God of heaven ? 
If they themselves neglect other benevolent enterprises, 
should they not " cast the beam out of their own eye '* 
before they attempt to " pull the mote out of their 
brother's eye ? " 

We should, as far as possible, estimate every cause^ and 
every interest, as God estimates them. And there are 
other very great and crying sins in our land beside slave- 
holding. Sabbath breaking, neglect and contempt of 
divine institutions and of the authority of God, disregard 
of the divine oracles, infidelity, licentiousness, intem- 
perance, selfishness, supreme devoted ness to the world, 
and our treatment of the Indian tribes, are all crying sins 
of our land. And should slavery be abolished, I should 
have no hope that the judgments of Heaven would be 
averted without a general reformation : this all ought 
to endeavor to promote, and to set themselves against all 
these evils, and to help remove them, so far as their in- 
fluence can reach. 

All Christians should duly estimate, and engage in 
the support of every benevolent enterprise. But some 
zealous abolitionists take little interest in these enterprises, 
and especially in the missionary cause ; and not un- 
frequently have articles and observations been published, 
which were calculated to discredit it in the minds of the 
community. 

But is not the cause of missions far more important 
than the cause of abolition in our land ? What is 
the emancipation of three millions, compared with the 
civilization and christianizing of six hundred millions, 
multitudes of whom are equally or more degraded than 
the slaves of the South ? 

Let Christian abolitionists, therefore, especially, feel 
the importance of meeting all their responsibilities, as 
they must answer it to God in the great day, and not 
2 



14 

withdraw their support from, or throw obstacles in the 
way of any good cause, but afford it their cordial 
countenance and cooperation. In this way they will 
recommend their principles to others. And let them 
cultivate deep piety and deep humility, and " in lowliness 
of mind esteem others better than themselves." And 
then they will not be so ready to condemn others with 
severity, as has been a too common practice, and by 
which the cause has been, I am fully persuaded, greatly 
injured and retarded. 

Denunciation, or heaping upon others opprobrious 
epithets, or bringing against them charges which they 
believe to be unjust, is not the way to convince or gain 
them. No person of any consideration would treat a 
friend thus, whom he considered in fault, and whom he 
wished to convince and reclaim. 

And are the public attacks, which are so often made 
upon ministers and churches, calculated to subserve the 
cause of religion or of abolition ? And have those who 
make them, seriously inquired, and satisfied their own 
minds, that such charges will meet the approbation of 
God ? Though the churches are not so pure, nor the 
ministers so devoted as they ought to be ; yet it may be 
doubted whether there are purer churches, or more 
devoted ministers in any other country. In the time of 
Isaiah, God's ancient church was doubtless less pure than 
are our churches ; and yet God said to her, " He that 
toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye " — and 
" every tongue that shall rise against thee in judgment 
thou shalt condemn." 

Some abolitionists have appeared disposed to condemn 
all ministers and professing Christians, who did not act 
with them, as "pro-slavery," and unworthy of confidence. 
Though I have no doubt many abolitionists have dis- 
approved of such a course, yet I have seen little dis- 
approval of it expressed. Perhaps they thought it would 
injure the cause to censure those who were engaged in 
it, and would not be expedient. But that " wisdom, 
which is without partiality ,'' will lead us to condemn 
what is wrong in friends, as well as others. Such an 
impartial course is, I believe, the way to secure the 
divine approbation and blessing. As I am a professed 



15 

abolitionist,* and, as remarks have been made, and 
resolutions passed at abolition meetings, which will apply 
to ministers much better than myself, representing them 
as unworthy of support, I cannot feel it to be right to 
pass such things in silence. Whatever be their design, 
they are calculated to destroy the influence of ministers, 
and to destroy souls, For, let the impenitent hearers 
of such ministers believe these representations, and their 
preaching will do them no good. Probably when making 
these remarks, and passing these resolutions, the authors 
thought they were doing right ; but perhaps on sober 
reflection, and in their closets, away from excitement, 
those who are Christians will feel differently, and be 
convinced that a more conciliatory course would be 
better. Hoping that this may be the effect, I here set 
down a few of the things to which I have alluded. 

The editor of *• The Liberator" published the follow- 
ing declaration : 

" Christianity indignantly rejects the sanctimonious pretensions 
of the great mass of the clergy in this land. It is becoming more 
and more apparent, that they are nothing better than hirelings, in 
the bad sense of the term, that they are blind leaders of the blind, 
spiritual popes, dumb dogs that cannot bark, that they love the 
fleece better than the flock. Their overthrow is registered in the 
scroll of destiny." 

At the meeting of the Grafton County Anti-Slavery 
Society, holden at Littleton, N.H. January 29th and 30th, 
1840, the following resolutions were passed, though not 
without opposition : 

" Resolvetl, That the slav^e system of this country derives its chief 
and essential support from the nominally free States ; and that the 
citizens of New Hampshire are as deeply implicated in the guilt 
of slaveholdinsr as those of any other State in the Union. 

*' Resolved, That the only way in which the citizens of New 
Hampshire can e.xculpate themselves from the guilt of slaveholding, 
is to countenance and support the Anti-slavery enterprise." 

Here it is asserted, that the citizens of New Hampshire 
are as deeply implicated in the guilt of slaveholding as 
those of any of the slave States; and that the only way 
in which they can exculpate themselves from this guilt, 
"is to countenance and support the Anti-slavery enter- 

* I am a member of the New Hampshire State Anti-Slavery Society. 



16 

prise." As the guilt of all sin must be removed in the 
same way — and this is said to be the only way to remove 
this guilt — it would seem, that all who " countenance and 
Support the Anti-slavery enterprise " are exculpated from 
the guilt of all their sins, as they cannot be exculpated 
from the guilt of one sin, and not of all sin. 

I presume that those who adopted this resolution did 
not reflect, that it would lead to such a conclusion. 'J'hey 
probably thought, that the citizens of New Hampshire 
could not give evidence of sincere repentance, unless 
they should " countenance and support the Anti-slavery 
enterprise." But if this is their only loay to afford such 
evidence, and to be exculpated from this guilt, do not all 
who •* countenance and support the Anti-slavery enter- 
prise" afford such evidence, and thus show that they are 
exculpated from the guilt of this sin, and consequently, 
from the guilt of all sin ? 

At the annual meeting of the Merrimack County Anti- 
Slavery Society, January I4th, 1840, the following resolu- 
tions were adopted : 

" Resolved, That the abolition enterprise is the cause of God, and 
that those professed ministers of the gospel who treat it with oppo- 
sition or indifference, are recreant to their high trust as ambassadors 
of Christ — hypocritical in their professions of love to man, and are 
unworthy the confidence and support of a Christian community. 

" Resolved, That all those who support professed ministers of 
the gospel who refuse to wield their pulpit influence against the 
diabolical system of American slavery, are guilty of supporting that 
system." 

At a meeting of " a number of the friends of the slave, 
from different parts of the State," at Concord, January 
22d — the day after the meeting of the Convention of Con- 
gregational and Presbyterian Ministers and Churches — 
the following resolution, among others, was adopted : 

'^Resolved, That at the present stage of the Anti-slavery enter- 
prise, those ministers professing to be the ministers of Christ, who 
do not fearlessly and boldly advocate the immediate and uncon- 
ditional emancipation of the slaves of this country, are unworthy 
the countenance or support of the Christian community." 

These and similar resolutions which have been passed 
in other places, doubtless refer to all ministers who do 
not openly join with abolitionists, and thus " countenance 
and support the Anti-slavery enterprise." 



17 

Are such attacks calculated to do ministers good, or 
to promote the cause of Christ, or the cause of abolition ? 
Though we are commanded to " bless those that curse 
us," yet even good men do not like to be reproached, 
and will not be pleased with those who assail them with 
opprobrious language. Especially, if instead of being 
treated according to the direction of the Saviour in the 
18th of Matthew they are publicly assailed, they will be 
very liable to be irritated. And, if by such attacks any 
cause them to sin, they will be guilty themselves. And, 
if they duly considered what a dreadful thing even the 
least sin is, as committed against an infinite and holy 
God, they would dread to commit it themselves, or to lead 
others into it. 

Though David was a good man, the irritating language 
and conduct of Nabal so provoked him, that, had it not 
been for the prudent and mild conduct of Abigail, he 
would have destroyed the whole family. 

Rehoboam lost a great part of his kingdom by forsaking 
the counsel of the old men who stood before Solomon his 
father, who advised him to '* speak good words to the 
people," and following the counsel of the young men, and 
*' answering the people roughly." 

Such conduct in abolitionists is inconsistent with their 
own professed principles — with the spirit and precepts of 
the gospel — with the counsel of wise and good men — and 
with the teachings of experience. 

The great principles upon which they rest their plea 
for the slave, are — that we ought to love others as our- 
selves, and do to others as we would have them do to us. 
But would they be willing to have others thus publicly 
assail their character. When thus assailed, they show 
plainly that they would not. If, therefore, they loved 
others as themselves, they could not do thus. 

A man's character is dearer to him than irrope.rty. " A 
good name is rather to be chosen than great riches." 

Who steals my purse 



Steals trash- 
But he who filches from ine my good name, 
Robs me of that which not enriches him, 
But makes me poor indeed." 

Should some persons injure the property, or cast filth upon 

2* 



18 

the clothes of one who was the object of their dislike, 
every one would condemn such conduct as becoming only 
a mob. And yet it is a far greater injury to have the 
character vilified and reproached. 

Some justify such language from the denunciations of 
the Saviour against the Scribes and Pharisees, and his 
calling them hypocrites. But when any can, like the 
Saviour, know the hearts of others, and know to whom to 
apply such epithets, then they may use them. And they 
may take the lash, and compel others to do what they 
think they ought to do, and plead the example of Christ, 
who, with a scourge, drove the buyers and sellers out of 
the temple. 

A good cause does not need such weapons to support 
it, and will only be injured by their use. And when any 
resort to them, they will be suspected of being conscious 
of the weakness of their cause, or of being under the in- 
fluence of a wrong spirit. When a person is conscious 
that he is strong in argumcjit, he will feel no need of such 
base weapons, and will not use them, if he is in the exer- 
cise of a right spirit.* For it is contrary to the spirit of 
the gospel, and to the instructions of the Bible. The 
spirit of the gospel is a meek, kind, benevolent spirit, and 
undissembled goodwill to all. And, if in full exercise, men 
would love others as themselves ; " and love worketh no 
ill to his neighbor." But to pursue a course which directly 
tends to injure the character, and to destroy the peace and 
usefulness of a good man, is working the greatest evil to 
tiim, and is contrary to the instructions of the Bible, and 
the way there pointed out to convince and gain others : 
" A soft tongue breaketh the bone." This we are here 
taught will have the greatest effect. " A soft answer turn- 
eth away wrath, but grievous words stir up anger." " The 
servant of the Lord must not strive ; but be gentle unto 
all men ; in meekness instructing those that oppose them- 
selves ; if God peradventure will give them repentance to 
the acknowledging of the truth." This is most explicit, 

* Though we are commanded "earnestly to contend for the faith 
once deHvered to the saints," yet the unkind and censorious spirit, 
and harsh language often displayed in theological disputes, has ex- 
cited great prejudice, and led many to condemn all religious contro- 
versy. 



19 

and teaches, that, if we would gain others, we must be 
gentle towards all men without any exception, in meek- 
ness instructing them. " Speak not evil one of another, 
brethren. He that speaketh evil of his brother, and judg- 
eth his brother, speaketh evil of the law, and judgeth the 
law," by practically condemning the law for prohibiting 
such evil speaking. 

" Whosoever shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be in 
danger of the council ; but whosoever shall say, Thou 
fool, shall be in danger of hell-fire." This is a most sol- 
emn declaration. " Judge not, and ye shall not be 
judged : condemn not, and ye shall not be condemned." 
'* But why dost thou judge thy brother 1 or why dost 
thou set at nought thy brother 1 for we shall all stand 
before the judgment-seat of Christ," •'Let us not, 
therefore, judge one another any more : but judge this 
rather, that no man put a stumbling-block, or an occasion 
to fall, in his brother's way ; " which he would do by harsh- 
ly judging and condemning, and thus irritating him. " I 
beseech you, that ye walk worthy of the vocation where- 
with ye are called, with all lowliness and meekness, with 
long-suffering, forbearing one another in love, endeavor- 
ing to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." 
" Let all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamor, and 
evil-speaking, be put away from you, with all malice : 
And be ye kind one to another, tender-hearted, forgiving 
one another, even as God for Christ's sake hath forgiven 
you." " Put them in mind to speak evil of no man, to be 
no brawlers, but gentle, showing all meekness unto all 
7nen." 

What a picture St. James gives of the terrible effects 
of an unbridled tongue. And an unbridled pen is more 
dangerous. " The tongue is an unruly evil, full of deadly 
poison. The tongue is a fire, a world of iniquity, and 
setteth on fire the course of nature ; and it is set on 
fire of hell." *' Wherefore, laying aside all malice, and all 
guile, and hypocrisies, and envies, and all evil speakings 
— be pitiful, be courteous ; not rendering evil for evil, or 
railing for railing, but contrariwise, blessing." Jude says, 
that even " Michael the archangel, when contending with 
the devil, durst not bring against him a railing accusation, 
but said, The Lord rebuke thee." 



20 

It is therefore extremely manifest, that evil-speaking, or 
assailing the character of brethren in the ministry, or in 
the church, or even others — except by kind and faithful 
reproof, for evident faults — is contrary to the instructions 
of the word of God, and is wrong. The Bible allows us 
to reprove others plainly for their sins, with meekness, and 
in love, but not with harshness, or opprobrious language. 

And this is agreeable to the counsel of the wisest and 
best of men. 

Mr. Adam, an eminently pious minister in England, 
who died in 1784, in his " Thoughts on Religion," says, 
" We should study only the good of others, let them do 
what they will to us. If I aim at the real spiritual im- 
provement of those I converse with, I shall never say any 
thing to irritate or vex them, but keep a constant guard 
on myself Speaking evil of others at all, unless it be to 
prevent mischief to religion, or our neighbor, proceeds 
from pride. Say all the good you can of all ; but if you 
would have ill spoken of any, turn that office to the devil." 

Cud worth said, " Truth and love are two of the most 
powerful things in the world, and when they both go 
together, they cannot easily be withstood. The golden 
beams of truth, and the silken cords of love twisted 
together, will draw men on with a sweet violence, whether 
they will or no." 

" Certainly," says Bishop Hall, ** God abides none but 
charitable dissensions; those that are well grounded and 
well governed ; grounded upon just causes, and governed 
with Christian charity and wise moderation ; those whose 
beginning is equity, and end is peace. If we must differ, 
let these be the conditions ; let every one of God's minis- 
ters be ambitious of that praise which Gregory Nazianzen 
gave to Athanasius ; to be an adamant to them that strike 
him, and a loadstone to them that dissent from him ; the 
one not to be moved with wrong, the other to draw those 
hearts which disagree. So the fruit of righteousness 
shall be sown in peace of them that make peace. So the 
God of peace shall have glory, the church of God rest, 
and our souls, unspeakable joy and consolation in the day 
of the appearing of our Lord Jesus." 

" It is," says a respectable writer, "impossible to enter- 
tain sentiments of true friendship, towards those whom we 



21 

are in the practice of maligning every day." Milner, in 
his Church History, says, *' Satire and invective are plants 
of rapid growth in the malignant soil of human nature." 

Rev. Mr. Jenkins, in his remarks on the Report sub- 
mitted to the Senate of the United States, on the petitions 
presented to Congress, praying that the mails might not 
be transmitted through the country on the Sabbath, says, 
*' They who are honestly concerned to preserve the sanc- 
tity of the Sabbath, can cherish no other than sentiments 
of heart-felt kindness towards the author of this report. 
Their disagreement with him on a subject of such vital 
and enduring interest, would prove it the offspring of some 
of the very lowest principles which govern human con- 
duct, were it to lead them to return railing for railing." 

Some attempt to justify harsh language from the exam- 
ple of Luther. But besides the change in the times and 
the style of controversy, it ought to be recollected that 
Luther himself condemned what they adduce as b. justifi- 
cation for the use of such language. ** In my books of a 
polemical nature," said he, " I avow, that I have been 
more violent and bitter than suits my religion and my 
robe." 

The distinguished Christian poet, Cowper, in a letter to 
Rev. John Newton, said, " No man was ever scolded out 
of his sins. The heart, corrupt as it is — and because it is 
so — grows angry if it be not treated with some manage- 
ment and good manners, and scolds again. A surly mas- 
tiff will perhaps bear to be poked, though he will growl 
even under that operation, but if you touch him roughly, 
he will bite. There is no grace that the spirit of self can 
counterfeit with more success than a religious zeal. A 
man thinks he is fighting for Christ, and he is fighting for 
his own notions. He thinks that he is skilfully searching 
the hearts of others, when he is only gratifying the malig- 
nity of his own ; and charitably supposes his hearers desti- 
tute of all grace, that he may shine the more in his own 
eyes by the comparison. When he has performed this 
notable task, he w^onders that they are not convicted. He 
has given it to them soundly, and if they do not tremble 
and confess that God is in them of a truth, he gives them 
up as reprobate, incorrigible, and lost forever. But the 
man that loves me, if he sees me in an error, will pity me, 



22 

and endeavor calmly to convince me of it, and persuade 
me to forsake it. If he has great and good news to tell 
me, he will not do it angrily and in much heat and dis- 
composure of spirit. It is not therefore easy to conceive on 
what ground a minister can justify a conduct which only 
proves that he does not understand his errand. The ab- 
surdity of it would certainly strike him, if he were not 
himself deluded." 

Ministers undoubtedy sometimes greatly injure their 
usefulness by their harshness of expression, and the 
want of a kind and conciliatory address. The abolition 
enterprise is often said to be " the cause of God," 
and a " holy cause." If so, it ought surely to be de- 
fended and sustained by " spiritual," and not " carnal 
weapons." And some of the advocates of (he cause 
deeply feel this. William Ladd, the distinguished Advo- 
cate of Peace, in a letter addressed some months since to 
an Anti-slavery Meeting in Portsmouth, which he was 
invited to attend, says, " l{ I were present among you, I 
should say — let every thing be done in love, not only to 
the poor down-trodden slave, but to his oppressor, and to 
the slaves of prejudice, ' forbearing threatening.' The 
chains of the slave may be melted off by the fire of love, 
but they cannot be severed by the sledge hammer of vio- 
lence." 

Many abolitionists, instead of manifesting the meek, 
mild and forbearing spirit of Him who, " when he was 
reviled reviled not again," have too often displayed the 
spirit of party politicians. But even some of the poli- 
ticians of the day seem to be convinced of the im- 
propriety of treating opponents with rudeness. After 
the close of a four weeks' session of the Legislature of 
Rhode Island, in 1838, it was said, " Not an angry or 
offensive personality has been uttered by any member." 

At an editorial convention held last season at Colum- 
bus, Ohio, the following resolutions were passed : 

Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, there is one 
plain standard of editorial propriety from which no n)an ought to 
depart, i. e. nothing should be esteemed justifiable in editorial inter- 
course, which would be clearly condemned in the intercourse of 
private gentlemen. And, therefore 

Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, in all editorial 



23 

discussions concerning politics and other subjects of public disputa- 
tion, all opprobrious epithets, offensive personal allusions, and harsh 
attacks on private reputation, ought to be carefully avoided. 

These testimonies are surely amply sufficient to show 
the impropriety of the course which I have disapproved, 
in the estimation of respectable, and wise, and good men. 
But I will add one more. 

Said an eminent missionary among the heathen, " Un- 
til a minister feels as our Saviour did on his last return to 
Jerusalem, when he wept as he said, *0 that thou hadst 
known,' &lc., he is not in a fit state of mind to repeat a 
single denunciation from his master's lips." 

Is not this the spirit which we all need ? And were 
this spirit generally possessed by professing Christians, and 
Christian ministers, how much of that "wrath of man 
which worketh not the righteousness of God," and con- 
tention and unchristian feeling, and attacks on each others' 
reputation would be prevented ; and how rapidly would 
the cause of truth, of righteousness, and of benevolence 
advance. The weapons of truth and love would then be 
wielded with mighty power, and with astonishing success. 

Even slaveholders would hardly be able to resist such 
powerful weapons. Mr. Chester, editor of the Christian 
Journal at New York, speaking of Rev. John Rankin, a 
distinguished abolitionist, says, " He was born, educated, 
and brought into the ministry in Tennessee, and has been 
an abolitionist, I might perhaps say, from his birth. Twenty, 
or twenty-five years ago he was a member of an Abolition 
Society in that State. His abolition principles and feel- 
ings never lead him to indulge in bitterness towards 
slaveholders, or opponents of any kind. And such is his 
kindness, such the deep tone of his feeling, that few slave- 
holders — though often pressed with the most earnest appeals 
— have ever parted with him but with increased respect." 

Last year there was published an account of the visit 
of a minister of the Quaker denomination to a slave-trader 
in Virginia, given by the visiter himself, which strikingly 
illustrates the influence of faithful, but kind remonstrance. 
Being accompanied to his house by a frieud, he says, "I 
found he was considered, independent of his employment, 
of a ferocious disposition. His countenance looked fierce. 
I offered him my hand, feeling nothing in my heart but 



24 

love towards him as a man. I endeavored in a tender, 
feeling, but decided manner to open the subject that 
brought me to his house, telling him I came in behalf of 
the poor colored people. I requested him to pause for a 
moment, and endeavor as much as possible to place his 
own parents and nearest relatives in the very situation of 
those poor slaves he had at times purchased and sold 
again, thereby separating the nearest connections far from 
each other. He appeared to hear me patiently, and tried 
to justify his conduct, but with coolness and deliberation. 
But in time he cast away all his weapons of defence. He 
gave it as his opinion that before twenty years were passed 
away, slavery would be brought to a final close, if the 
work was rightly gone about. He assured us of his 
determination to quit his business, and acknowledged the 
gratitude he felt for the visit ; and took his leave of us in 
an affectionate manner." 1 have given only a very brief 
sketch of this interesting visit, as published in the ' Herald 
of Freedom.' 

If this were the spirit generally displayed, and this the 
course pursued even by professors of religion among 
abolitionists, how long would it be before they would be 
joined by the great mass of the people in the free States, 
and by many in the slave States ? But so much of a con- 
trary spirit has been manifested, and such a different 
course pursued, that it has produced irritation, and excited 
prejudice in the minds of very many who would otherwise 
have cordially united in efforts for the removal of slavery. 

It was stated in the ' Herald of Freedom,' that emanci- 
pation was universally popular in New York in 1827. And 
the same feeling, I presume, then pervaded New England 
generally. 

Though Wilberforce in his zealous, and untiring, and 
finally successful efforts to abolish the slave-trade, mani- 
fested the spirit which I have here recommended, yet 
others who were engaged with him, manifested a different 
spirit, and pursued a different course, which tended to 
embarrass this great philanthropist, and to retard the pro- 
gress of the cause in which he was engaged. 

" The contest," says his biographer, " in behalf of 
abolition, was throughout conducted by Mr. Wilberforce 
in a spirit of conciliation towards the supporters of the 



25 

trade. Some amongst the West Indian body were his 
personal friends, and of all ' we should not forget,' he 
writes to Dr. Currie, ' that Christian candor is due to 
those who carry it on. There may be, 1 doubt not, 
amongst them, many men of enlarged and humane minds. 
I trust that you have done me the justice to acquit me of 
having adopted any such indiscriminate and false judg- 
ment as that you oppose.' " 

His prospect of speedy success seemed to be encourag- 
ing. *' The sympathy of the country was too much 
aroused to be patient of delay. Public meetings, and 
petitions numerously signed, multiplied both in England 
and Scotland." But the levelling principles of the French 
revolution began to spread and were favored by many 
abolitionists, which excited great prejudice against their 
cause. •' You will see Clarkson," writes Mr. Wilber- 
force to Lord Muncaster ; "caution him against talking 
of the French revolution, it will be ruin to our cause." 
" Clarkson," writes Dr. Milner, " will tell you that he 
had a long conversation with me. I wish him better 
health, and better notions in politics ; no government can 
stand on such principles as he appeals to, and maintains. 
I am very sorry for it, because 1 see plainly, advantage is 
taken of such cases as his, in order to represent the 
friends of abolition as levellers. This is not the only 
intance where the converse of a proposition does not 
hold ; levellers certainly are friends of abolition.' Great 
mischief had then already risen to the cause. ' What 
business had your friend Clarkson,' asked Dundas ' to 
attend the Crown and Anchor last Thursday? He could 
not have done a more mischievous thing to the cause 
you have taken in hand.' 

" The seed which had been so freely scattered by 
the revolutionary politics of some leading abolitionists 
had sprung up into a plentiful harvest of suspicion. 
* People connect,' writes Mr. Clark, ' democratical prin- 
ciples with the abolition of the slave trade, and will not 
hear it mentioned.' " 

On this reverse, Mr. Wilberforce made the following 

reflections, displaying a humility worthy the imitation of 

every abolitionist, and of every Christian : — "Oh, may not 

this have been because one so unworthy as I undertook 

3 



26 

this hallowed cause, (Uzzah and the ark,) and carried it 
on with so little true humility, faith, self-abasement, and 
confidence \r God through Christ ? No principles but 
the principle;:, of the gospel should be connected with the 
abolition of slavery. And if we would expect the blessing 
of God upon this enterprise, it must be conducted in the 
spirit of his gospel, and in conformity to the precepts 
of his word. And without his blessing we shall labor 
in vain." * 

And is a dependence on God's aid and blessing duly felt? 
If thus felt, it will lead to the cultivation and exemplification 
of a right spirit — the spirit not merely of humanity, or 
sympathy, or party zeal, but of real vital piety, which will 
seek supremely the glory of God, the honor and perma- 
nency of his institutions, the advancement of his cause 
in the world, and the disenthralment and salvation of 
those around us, who are slaves to sin, and in bondage to 
Satan ; and the conversion of the benighted heathen, 
as well as the emancipation and elevation of the slaves of 
our own beloved country. And then the car of liberty, 
and the chariot of the gospel will move on with majestic 
and mighty power. 

* Life of Wilberforce, pp. 112, 113, 111, 110, 126, 130. 



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